Emirates Airlines’ first flight took off on 25 October 1985, flying from Dubai to the Pakistani city of Karachi, using an aircraft leased from Pakistan International Airlines. Today, Emirates has a fleet of more than 260 aircraft, serving over 136 destinations worldwide. In 2023, Dubai International Airport was ranked as the world’s busiest hub for international passengers for the tenth consecutive year.
Jebel Ali Port, located off the coast of Dubai, was inaugurated in 1979, followed by the establishment of the Jebel Ali Free Zone six years later. In 2023, it was the world’s tenth-busiest container port.
Despite being situated on the southern coast of the relatively small and shallow inland sea known as the Arabian Gulf – or Persian Gulf, depending on geographical, historical, or cultural perspectives – Dubai has realised its vision of becoming a central hub in what they describe as a ‘trade network reaching one-third of humanity’.
Since the turn of the century, Dubai has achieved even more. The city’s brand has become synonymous with luxury, high-end living, and economic growth. It has become a global hub for business, tourism and entertainment, serving as a development model admired and aspired to by politicians, businesspeople and citizens across the Middle East and Africa (MEA) region.
However, it is Abu Dhabi, the more affluent and influential yet less recognised sister emirate of Dubai, that has been the driving force behind the emergence of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in recent years as a major power in the politics of the region.
The UAE has invested billions of dollars in several African countries across sectors such as mining, oil, infrastructure, logistics and agriculture, gaining control of significant portions of their national economies.
It has also played decisive roles in countries affected by the uprisings and protests collectively referred to as the ‘Arab Spring’, particularly Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. Its support for the Ethiopian government has significantly influenced the outcomes of the Tigray War and developments in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region. Moreover, the UAE is deeply involved in the ongoing war in Sudan, backing the notorious Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia, which has been accused of committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and genocide.
Moreover, the UAE has worked closely with militias and employed mercenaries in various conflicts, effectively influencing who governs these countries and how they are governed, thereby positioning itself as the region’s new kingmaker.
The UAE has expanded its economic footprint across Africa through investments in ports, airports and infrastructure projects. These ventures are not solely driven by business interests but also serve as strategic moves to extend its influence. The UAE has substantial investments in agricultural land, renewable energy, mining and telecommunications, as well as extensive military cooperation agreements, making it a significant player in regional geopolitics.
Using the framework of sub-imperialism1, a concept that was introduced by the Brazilian Marxist scholar and activist Ruy Mauro Marini, provides valuable insights for analysing the UAE’s strategies and impacts. It demonstrates how the UAE can simultaneously be both a subject of imperialism and an agent of imperialist practices within its spheres of influence while challenging traditional imperialist actors.
Sub-imperialism, in this context, refers to a phenomenon where a country, while not being a major global imperial power, acts in ways that align with or support the interests of imperial powers and behaves in an imperialist manner within its own region. It is characterised by actions that extend a nation’s political, economic and military influence over other nations or regions, often on behalf of, or in collaboration with, dominant global powers.
The UAE, as a peripheral nation that engages in imperialist practices within its own region while remaining dependent on the United States (US), a core imperialist power, exemplifies the transformation into a sub-imperialist state. Other sub-imperial examples from the Middle East include Israel, Qatar and Saudi Arabia.
Throughout the 2010s, in many ways the sub-imperial ambitions of the UAE and Qatar mirrored the Israeli model. Despite being small in both size and population and situated in a hostile regional environment, they leveraged their wealth and strategic relationships with Western powers to exert influence across the region. Both nations have supported various factions, including mercenaries and insurgents, to advance their national interests and assert regional dominance.
Saudi Arabia, by contrast, significantly larger in size and population, has exhibited features of sub-imperialism since the mid-twentieth century through direct military interventions and political, financial and religious activities that influence the region, while relying on the US for defence and aligning closely with its economy.
The UAE’s regional strategy is widely recognised as being driven by ambitions of economic hegemony, political expansion and countering perceived threats from Islamic political movements and from Iran. An overlooked factor, however, is the regime’s survival instinct and its fear of popular, democratic or revolutionary movements. This aspect is often neglected owing to limited awareness of political activism and movements within the UAE and the broader Gulf region.
Studying the UAE’s sub-imperialist role in Africa is therefore critical to understanding its substantial influence in reshaping regional geopolitics and global capitalism. This analysis helps to shed light on pathways for resistance and justice movements to challenge these power structures effectively.
